By Melvyn C. Goldstein
It isn't attainable to completely comprehend modern politics among China and the Dalai Lama with no figuring out what happened--and why--during the Nineteen Fifties. In a publication that maintains the tale of Tibet's historical past that he started in his acclaimed A background of recent Tibet, 1913-1951: The loss of life of the Lamaist nation, Melvyn C. Goldstein seriously revises our figuring out of that key interval in midcentury. This authoritative account makes use of new archival fabric, together with by no means sooner than obvious records, and broad interviews with Tibetans, together with the Dalai Lama, and with chinese language officers. Goldstein furnishes interesting and infrequently brilliant pics of those significant gamers as he deftly unravels the fateful intertwining of Tibetan and chinese language politics opposed to the backdrop of the Korean conflict, the tenuous Sino-Soviet alliance, and American chilly conflict coverage.
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Additional resources for A History of Modern Tibet, Volume 2: The Calm before the Storm: 1951-1955 (Philip E. Lilienthal Books)
The fee was typically money but sometimes also labor or goods, or even both. 15 In essence, therefore, virtually the entire Tibetan peasantry was hereditarily tied to estates/lords either directly or through “human lease” status. Monks and nuns, however, were partly an exception to this. 16 This was invariably granted, and so long as the person remained in the monastic order, he/she had no obligations to the estate/lord. 17 The authority of lords over their subjects also included the right to transfer them unilaterally to other individuals, both other lords and rich peasants, although this was not common in Tibet.
By contrast, if they remained monks, their basic economic needs were met without their having to work too hard. All these factors made it both easier and more advantageous for monks to remain in the monastery. As mentioned above, the monastic leadership espoused the belief that since the Tibetan state was ﬁrst and foremost the supporter and patron of religion, the needs and interests of religion should take primacy. And since mass monasticism represented the greatness of Tibetan religion, the leadership believed that the political and economic system existed to facilitate this and that they, not the government, could best judge what was in the shortand long-term interests of religion.
Yogpo; nangsen) or poor landless peasants as “tax appendages” (tib. 18 Similarly, aristocrats often sent one of their maid-servants as part of the dowry of their daughter when she went as a bride to another family, even if this meant breaking up the maid-servant’s family. Lords could also physically move their peasants to other locations in accordance with their own labor requirements. An example of this occurred in the late 1940s on one of Drepung Mon15. 16. 17. lord”). 18. An examination of this institution is found in Goldstein 1971b,d.
A History of Modern Tibet, Volume 2: The Calm before the Storm: 1951-1955 (Philip E. Lilienthal Books) by Melvyn C. Goldstein