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REALISTS AND LIBERALS CONTEST A LEGACY 29 Locke's international system, like Hobbes's, is anarchic. His state is based on representation and ultimately on consent; while Hobbes's is indifferent to these matters as long as the state is sovereign. Locke's citizens, like Hobbes's, are rational independent individuals. The difference then lies in the importance Locke attributed to the duties to protect life, liberty, and property that Locke thought accompanied citizens' rights to the same. It is these duties that lead just commonwealths to maintain peace with each other, provided, that is, their natural partiality and the poorly institutionalized character of world politics do not overcome their duties to accommodate.

Particular wills’, such as the ones that drove the Athenians to Sicily, would yield to the ‘general will’—the rational, national, general interest—which Thucydides (Pericles) had defined as precluding further imperial expansion. The exploitation of non-citizens in the empire—the source of so much national revenue—also would be unacceptable in a Rousseauian republic that demanded that all men be free, ruling and being ruled on an equal basis. This obviously precludes slavery. It also requires that every other form of political rule that did not give an equal voice to all affected had to be REALISTS AND LIBERALS CONTEST A LEGACY 39 excluded from a free democracy, which is why Rousseau's democracy had to be small.

What was new was manufacturing and commerce: capitalism. Paine, the radical American democrat, announced, ‘If commerce were permitted to act to the universal extent it is capable, it would 67 Philip Heymann, ‘The Problem of Coordination: Bargaining and Rules,’ Harvard Law Review, 86/5 (1973), pp. 797–877 , develops these points. ), Philosophy in History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984) . 69 Albert Hirschman, ‘Rival Interpretations of Market Society: Civilizing, Destructive or Feeble’, Journal of Economic Literature, 20 (1982), pp.

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